CYPRUS AND ITS CONSTITUTIONAL

AND OTHER LEGAL

PROBLEMS

 

 

 

 

BY

CRITON G. TORNARITIS, Q.C.,

Attorney-General of the Republic.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

SECOND EDITION

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

NICOSIA

1980

 

 

 

 

PREFACE

 

 

In this second edition of this book another Part was added, Part XII, dealing with the evolution of the Cyprus intercommunal talks.

To the already existing Appendices nine more were added, setting-out the various proposals made for the solution of the Cyprus problem and certain statements and observations in connection therewith.

The intercommunal talks which were recessed in June 1979 was not found possible to be reactivated until the time when these lines are being written in spite of the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council of the United Nations in this respect and the persistent efforts of the Secretary-General Dr. Waldheim in this direction.

lt is hoped that wiser thoughts will prevail and that the intercommunal talks will be resumed in an effort to give a fair and viable solution to the Cyprus problem and relieve its most suffering people from all its afflictions.

 

 

 

Nicosia, 2nd of April, 1980.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

CRITON G. TORNARITIS

 

 

 

ABBREVIATIONS

 

 

 

A.C. Appeal Cases

A.J.I.L. American Journal International Law

B.Y.I.L. British Yearbook International Law

C.L.R. Cyprus Law Reports

K.B. Kings Bench

P.C.I.J. Publications of the Permanent Court of International

Justice

Q.B. Queens Bench

R.I.A.A. Reports of International Arbitral Awards

R.S.C.C. Reports of the Supreme Constitutional Court

S.I. Statutory Instrument

S.R.O. Rev. 1904 Statutory Rules and Orders Revised 1904

(2nd edition)

S.R.O. Rev. 1948 Statutory Rules and Orders Revised 1948

(3rd edition)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

(ii)

 

CONTENTS

Page

Abbreviation ...................................................................................................... (ii)

I

Short geographical, geological, demographic and historical survey ...............................................................................................

 

3-18

II

Legal question arising out of the British Occupation .............

18-27

III

Constitutional proposals for Cyprus ..........................................

28-42

IV

The constitutional structure ........................................................

43-53

V

The legal nature and the peculiarities of the Constitution ....

54-66

VI

The President's proposed amendments and the situation created thereafter ...........................................................................

 

67-73

VII

The Constitutional Developments owing to the abnormal situation created after 21 December 1963 ...............................

 

74-76

VIII

The Turkish invasion ....................................................................

77-86

IX

The legal nature of the Turkish invasion, the occupation of the territories of the Republic and the violations by Turkey of human rights and international law .....................................

 

 

87-89

X

The incidence and effect of the Turkish invasion on the existence of the Republic of Cyprus and its Government ......

 

89-92

XI

Federal Problems facing Cyprus .................................................

93-110

XII

The evolution of the Cyprus talks ..............................................

Appendix II. Proposals of the Greek-Cypriot side on the various aspects of the Cyprus problem .....................................

Appendix II. Proposals of the Turkish-Cypriot side ................

Appendix III. Letter of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General dated 26 May 1976 to the Greek-Cypriot Representative ................................................................................ Appendix IV. Greek-Cypriot Interlocutor Mr. Tassos Papadopoulos .................................................................................

Turkish-Cypriot Interlocutor Mr. Umit Suleyman Onan .......

Appendix V. Statement by the Greek-Cypriot Interlocutor on the territorial proposals by the Greek-Cypriot side on the 3/3/77 .............................................................................................

Principles subject to which the proposals of the Greek-Cypriot side for the solution of the Cyprus problem are made .................................................................................................

Appendix VI. Proposals of the Turkish-Cypriot side presented on 1/4/1977 ................................................................

111-128

 

129

142

 

 

151

 

153-157

157-158

 

 

159-161

 

 

161-163

 

163-169

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

XIII

Appendix VII. Comments made by the Greek-Cypriot Interlocutor at the meeting of the 2/4/1977 on the "proposals" presented by the Turkish .......................................

Appendix VIII. Basic principle which should govern the constitutional structure of the Federal Republic of Cyprus presented by the Greek-Cypriot side on the 6/4/1977 .........

Appendix IX. Turkish-Cypriot proposals, 1978 .........................

Appendix X. Observations on the documents entitled "Main aspects of the Turkish-Cypriot proposals" and "Explanatory Note of the Turkish-Cypriot proposals for the solution of the Cyprus problem" .............................................................................

The evolution of the Cyprus Talks .............................................

Appendix II. Proposals of the Greek-Cypriot side on the various aspects of the Cyprus problem .....................................

Appendix II. Proposals of the Turkish-Cypriot side ................

Appendix III. Letter of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General dated 26 May 1976 to the Greek-Cypriot Representative ................................................................................

Appendix IV. Greek-Cypriot Interlocutor Mr. Tassos Papadopoulos .................................................................................

Turkish-Cypriot Interlocutor Mr. Umit Suleyman Onan .......

Appendix V. Statement by the Greek-Cypriot Interlocutor on the territorial proposals by the Greek-Cypriot side on the 3/3/77 ......................................................................................

Principles subject to which the proposals of the Greek-Cypriot side for the solution of the Cypriot problem are made .................................................................................................

Appendix VI. Proposals of the Turkish-Cypriot side presented on 1/4/1977 ................................................................

Appendix VII. Comments made by the Greek-Cypriot Interlocutor at hte meeting of the 2/4/1977 on the "proposals" presented by the Turkish-Cypriot side ................

Appendix VIII. Basic principle which should govern the constitutional structure of the Federal Republic of Cyprus presented by the Greek-Cypriot side on the 6/4/1977 .........

Appendix IX. Turkish-Cypriot proposals, 1978 .........................

Appendix X. Observations on the documents on the documents entitled "Main aspects of the Turkish-Cypriot

proposals" and "Explanatory Note of the Turkish-Cypriot

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

170-176

 

 

177-179

180-221

 

 

 

222-223

111-128

 

129

142

 

 

151

 

153-157

157-158

 

 

159-661

 

 

161-163

 

163-169

 

 

170-176

 

 

177-179

180-221

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

222-233

 

 

proposals for the solution of the Cyprus problem" ....................

Appendix XI. Framework for a Cyprus settlement prepared by the U.S.British and Canadian Governments ......................

Appendix XII. The 10 points settlement ....................................

222-233

 

234-237

238

 

 

 

CYPRUS AND ITS CONSTITUTIONAL AND OTHER LEGAL

PROBLEMS

_______

 

I

 

Short geographical, geological, demographic and historical

survey

 

Cyprus, the third largest island, after Sicily and Sardinia, in the Mediterranean, lies at its eastern basin between lat. 300. 34' and 350. 42'N. and long. 32o.16' and 34o.6E. at the cross-road of routes from east to west and from north to south. Its greatest length from the coast of Paphos in the west to the Cape St. Andreas in the east is about 150 miles, its greatest breadth from Cape Kormakitis in the north to Cape Gata in the south is 60 miles and its whole area is 3,572 square miles (9,251 square kilometres) and is similar in size to that of Lebanon or of Norfolk and Suffolk combined in the United Kingdom or of Puerto Rico.

 

Cyprus is in close proximity to three continents.

 

The distances from the neighbouring countries are 43 miles from Cape Anamur in Asia Minor to Cape Kormakitis, on the north of Cyprus, 76 miles from Cape St. Andreas in the east to Syria, 255 miles from Port Said to Limassol and 270 miles from Cape Acamas in the west to Rhodes .

 

Its shape has been described as oblong and parallel to the equator, like that of Crete, being the opposite of Rhodes, which is almost upright and vertical to the equatorz whilst another description represents Cyprus as having the shape of a wheel-barrow being pushed along, seen from the side. Its handles are represented by the long Karpass poninsula and the wheels by the Akrotiri peninsula3.

The shape of Cyprus is determined by two parallel mountain ranges stretching from the west to the east. The northern range, the Kyrenia or Pendadaktylos range, with its very impressive jagged outline runs at a distance of a few miles from the coast for about sixty miles from above Vassilia-Lapithos on the west to Kantara castle on the east wherefrom it falls away along the Karpass peninsula, its highest peak being about 3,357 ft. at Kyparissovouno. The other range is that of Troodos to the south, the massif of which consists of very old rock its highest point, Chionistra, having a height of 6,403 ft.4 These mountains are mostly covered with forest trees mainly of the Aleppo pine and blackpine and a variety of bushes. ln the spring wild flowers of a variety of colours render the scenery more beautiful.

 

Between these two ranges lies the Messaoria plain (that is to say between the mountains) which has a breadth of 12 to 15 miles and extends from Morphou Bay, in the west, to the Famagusta Bay, in the east. The Messaoria plain is very fertile producing in most seasons fine crops of grain. But its cultivation depends almost entirely on the rainfall which usually occurs between the months of October and March but in years of drought the plain appears very arid.

 

Apart from those two mountain ranges there exist also an isolated mountain far to the east, the Stavrovouni, having a height of 2,258 feet from which on clear days Lebanon may be discernible.

 

From a geological point of view Cyprus is comparatively young dating back to about 150 million years. The oldest rocks are attributed to the Cretaceous of early Eocene period. They probably underlie the whole island. The Troodos mountain-range consists of igneous rocks (mainly plutonic, dyke and volcanic rocks) on top of which there is series of sedimentary rocks ranging from the Upper Cretaceous to the Pleistocene period. Regarding the Kyrenia range on the other hand its core consists mainly of highly tectonised metamorphosed limestones and dolomite forming blocks on top of the other5 .

 

It is considered that the structures found in the northern Cypriot range are typical of the Alpine orogenic movements. The conclusion, therefore, of Professor Alagoz that "1'île de Chypre, est physiquement dependante de la Turquie"6 owing to the similarity of the structure of the Taurus mountain in Asia Minor with the northern range of mountains in Cyprus does not seem to be well founded as it appears that such range is the most external part of the external zones of the Hellenic Alps which extend from New Yugoslavia, western Albania, western Greece, Peloponnesos Crete, Rhodes, Taurus and Amanus 7 .

 

lt appear that geologically the island of Cyprus has been formed by the joining together of two small islands that of Troodos massif which appeared about 100 million years ago with that of Kyrenia which emerged later about 11 million years ago. These two islands became joined as the uplift continued thus forming the Messaoria plain8 .

 

lron and copper pyrites are the principal minerals but there exist also chrome and asbestos as coloured earth (terra-umbra).

 

The climate of Cyprus is mild in winter with plenty of sunshine and hot in the summer down in the plains though cool on the hills at about 40-50 miles away from the main towns. Its beautiful and variating scenery coupled with the temperance of its climate renders the island an ideal holiday centre and attracts great number of tourists all the year round, for whom now all modern. facilities are provided.

 

Cyprus is mainly an agricultural country and its wine and citrus fruit are exported to various countries. Its wine has been famous since ancient times and according to one version it was one of the reasons which contributed to rhe Turkish occupation of the island by Sultan Selim Il in 15719 . Among the other goods exported from Cyprus are other agricultural products, such as fresh grapes, potatoes, carrots and other fresh vegetables, carobs (including kibbled carobs) and various minerals and of late various industrial products.

 

Cyprus is predominantly inhabited by Greeks, who own the greatest extent of land and bear the greater part of expenditure.

According to the last census of 1960 the population of Cyprus was 573,566, out of whom 441,656 were Greeks, I04,942 were Turks and 26,968 of other races. Thus the percentage was 77.0 % Greeks, 18.3 % Turks and 4.7 % other races.

 

Statistical calculations, however, made in 1975 show that the population of Cyprus has increased to 638,900 out of whom 492,000 are Greeks but the aforementioned percentages do not appear to be materially affected.

 

The inhabitants were, until the compulsory removal of the Turkish-Cypriots to the part occupied by the Turkish troops on the north, spread over the island intermingled in the various towns and villages and, with the exception of the purely Turkish enclaves artificially voluntarily and temporarily created after the intercommunal troubles in 1963, there were very few purely Turkish villages.

 

The land owing by area in 1957 (excluding Government land, roads, forests etc.), was 80.6 % by Greeks, 16.6 % by Turks and 2.8 % by others and as far as assessed value of such immovable property is concerned 86.5% by Greeks,13.1 % by Turks and 0.4% by Maronites.

 

The contribution to public expenditure in the form of direct taxation in respect of the year 1962 was 91.9 % by Greeks and 8.1 % by Turks.

 

The history of Cyprus begins with the Neolithic times going back to the 6th millenium 10 .

 

There is no concrete evidence about the first settlers of the Neolithic period. One view is in favour of a distinct group not related to any neighbouring region whilst another view suggests that the early settlers came from the Balkans, especially from Thessalia and Macedonia with another group from Cilicia 11 .

 

It is not also clear to what extent Cyprus was connected commercially or otherwise with the culture of other neighbouring countries during this period and it may be simply argued that the Neolithic culture which lasted 3,500 years was developed locally with little influence from abroad 12 .

 

With the discovery of copper in Cyprus early in the third millenium B.e. the history of Cyprus enters into a new period the Bronze period 2500-1500 B.C.

 

During that period human settlements began to spread to the interior of the island and there was a change in the composition of the population by the arrival of foreigners from neighbouring countries of Aryan race. Commercial and other relations with neighbouring countries were maintained during the period.

 

The most important event during that period was the arrival of Achaean-Mycenaeans around the middle of the second millenium and the Achaean civilisation which earlier was ftourishing in Crete now was introduced into Cyprus.

The extent of the Mycenaean influence llas been shown by the archaeological findings since the last century-tombs, vases and other remains as well as the recent excavation of a complete Mycenaean city in eastern Cyprus 13 .

 

Before the end of the second millenium more Greek colonists arrived to live in Cyprus while others settled on the east and west of Asia Minor. Homer speaks of Cinyras, the King of Paphos, who gave Agamemnon, the Commader-in-Chief of the Greek forces against Troy, a decorated suit of armour and king Cinyras is praised by the Greek poet Tyrtaeous (seventh century s.c.) and Pindar (fifth ceniury s.c.). Legends existed for the foundation of cities in Cyprus by the Greek heroes of the Trojan war such as Salamis by Teucer, brother of Ajax, Paphos by Agapenor from Arcadia, Idalium by Chalcanor, Lapithos by Praxandros of Laconia, Chytri (the present day Kythrea) by Chytrus, Aepeia, near Soli by Demophon and others 14 .

 

The Greek colonisation was very extensive and this is supported by Herodotus who says that the inhabitants of Cyprus had come from Athens, Argos, Arcadia, Salamis, etc. Even Kition, traditionally a Phoenician city, became Mycenaean. Besides the Greeks Phoenicians from Syria also came to Cyprus not earlier than 1000 s.c. and settled in the coasts particularly in Kition and Lapithos15 .

But as Professor Gjerstad points out, there exists a fundamental difference between the Greek and the Phoenician settlements in that the former werw the result of mass migration aimed at political occupation and cultural penetration whilst the latter were of a strictly commercial character.

 

The Greek colonists brought with them not only the Greek civilisation, culture and way of living but also the Greek political ideas and manner of administration. The Phoenicians settlers on the other hand were not numerous and their influence was negligible.

 

With the establishment of the Achaeans in Cyprus the composition of the population was changed and the autochtonous inhabitants, the Eteocyprians, though survived until. the Hellenistic period, especially in certain places such as Amathus, were in the minority and accepted the Greek civilisation and culture.

 

The change in the life and cilaracter of Cypriots was rapid and was not limited to the coastal areas only but it spread to all regions of the island and the bonds with Greece were becoming closer and closer so as to be said that Cyprus became a Greek island.

 

A new era of wealth and prosperity began and the commercial and other relations of Cyprus with the neighbouring countries were increased.

 

On the model of the Greek city-state and following the Mycenaean system of government many kingdoms have been established and maintained in Cyprus since the first millenium having replaced the previous system of one king reigning over the whole island. Diodoros Siceliotis, the historian, refers to nine such kingdoms in the middle of the fourth century B.C.

 

The Cyprus kings following the Mycenaean precedent, were at the same time high priests, judges and generals and the institution of Kingship was hereditary.

Gradually the institution of the assembly of thc people, the ecclesia, was developed to which the king was referring matters of administration for consideration16 .

The Kings of Cyprus retained their internal autonomy during the Assyrian conquest of Cyprus about the eighth century B.C. and under the Egyptians and the Persians from the sixth century to the end of the fourth B.C. even after the heroic but unsuccessful revolt under king Onesilus in the fifth century s.c. who tried to unite thc Cypriots against the Persian domination.

Next important king who united the cities of Cyprus under the leadership of Salamis was its king Evagoras the First. Evagoras carried a ten years war against the Persian yoke and during this struggle he was greatly assisted by the Athenians who made him a citizen of Athens. But when after the Treaty of Antalkidas in 368 s.c. had to carry on alone, in spite of some temporary successes such as the capture of Tyre in Phoenicia in 382 s.c., was forced to yield and acknowledged by a treaty which he signed as king to king the Great King of Persia as overlord. Evagoras is the most important statesman in the history of Cyprus who not only maintained and spread the Greek culture throughout Cyprus but transmitted it to the neighbouring countries 17 .

The kings of Cyprus retained their sovereignty over their own cities during the time of Alexander thc Great. When after his death in 323 s.c. a dispute arose over, the possession of Cyprus between his successors Ptolemy and Antigonus, the kings of Cyprus were divided, some of them supporting the former whilst others were assisting the latter, but eventually Cyprus came under Ptolemy who shortly afterwards was proclaimed as king Ptolemy I.

Cyprus remained under Ptolemies for two and half centuries and during that time achieved a great degree of culture and prosperity. The cities preserved a certain degree of autonomy.

During this period the institution of the " Koinon " (confederationj of the cities of Cypl-us was introduced the predecessol- of the Koinon Iater developed under the Roman emperors which played an important role in the religious and polit.ical life of the island.

Cyprus was occupied by Rome in 58 s.c., as Greece had been occupied earlier, and became part of the province of Cilicia governed by a procollsul. Amollg tlle early procollsuls was tlle famous orator Cicero, \vho showed great sympatlly to thc people of Cyprus. Under August Cyprus became an imperial provillce and tllen in 22 s.c. a senatorial province governed by a proconsul. Papllos contillued to be tlle capital of Cyprus and developed greatly as a result of its trade with neighbouring countries. Cyprus under the Romans preserved its Greek character.

The introduction of Christianity to Cyprus was the most important event during the early period of the Roman rule. On his first missionary journey it 45 A.D. Paul accompanied by Barnabas, a Cypriot, and Mark landed at Salamis and preached there the new religion to the Jewish synagogue. After this they crossed Cyprus preaching the new religion and reached Paphos, the capital, where the most sensational event occurred, the conversion to Christianity of the proconsul Sergius Paulus, whereupon Saul was renamed Paul. For the first time a Roman noble occupying an important public position accepted the new religion 18 . The spreading of Christianity, however, was not an easy task as the Greek pagans and the Jews, who had been settled since the time of Ptolemy I, were attached to their old religion. The conversion to Christianity was completed by the beginning of thc fifth century through the great ecclesiastical figures of the time, St. Barnabas, Heracledius, Mnason, Lazarus, Spyridon of Tremithus, Trifillios of Ledra, Philon of Karpasia, Tychon of Amathus and Epiphanios of Constantia19 .

On the laying of the foundations of the Byzantine empire in 330 A.D. Cyprus became a province of the Orient under the Comes Orientis, whose seat was at Antioch. Cyprus received. special attention and protection from the emperors of Byzantium and the mother of Constantine the Great, St. Helena, visited Cyprus and established christian churches including the monastery of Stavrovouni where according to tradition she left pieces of the cross upon which Christ was crucified20 .

 

When Cyprus was politically attached to Antioch an attempt was made by its Patriarch to put the Church of Cyprus under his control but this was successfully resisted by the Cypriot bishops at the Third Oecumenical Synod at Ephesus in 431 A.D.21 . New claims were raised later by the Church of Antioch but when Archbishop Anthemios presented Emperor Zeno (498 A.D.) with a copy of St. Matthew's Gospel, which was found in the tomb of St. Barnabas and was believed to have been placed there by St. Mark, the Emperor, recognized the autocephaly of the Church of Cyprus and conferred on its Archbishop the imperial privileges: to hold a sceptre instead of a pastoral staff, to wear a purple mantle and to sign in red ink 22 . A final resolution settling the question of the autocephaly of the Greek -Orthodox Church of Cyprus was taken by the Quini-Sext or Trullan Oecumenical Synod at Constantinople in 692 A.D. 23 .

When Cyprus was a byzantine province, the Arabs, who had accepted the new religion of Islam, raided at intervals Cyprus from the seventh to the tenth centuries and caused great destruction.

 

But the Arabs never made an organised attempt to occupy Cyprus and their acti.vities were limited to looting and taking prisoners 24 .

The last episode in the history of Cyprus as a province of the Byzantine empire occurred at the time of Isaac Comnenos, who usurped by deceit the oflice of ruler of Cyprus (1184 A.D.). The king of England Richard Coeur de Lion was on his way to the Holy Land as one of the leaders of the Third Crusade, but his fleet was scattered by a storm and the ship carrying his fiance Berengaria and his sister Joanna, Queen of Sicily, was forced to take refuge in the bay of Limassol. Isaac tried to entice the two women to land in order to hold them for ransom but Richard arrived in time and eventually expelleJ Isaac Comnenos from his office 25 .

 

The period of the Byzantine rule in Cyprus came thus to an end.

 

Throughout the Byzantine period the Greek character of Cyprus was preserved in all its manifestations.

 

The rule of Richard Coeur de Lion lasted very shortly. He sold Cyprus to the Order of the Knight Templars against payment of 40,000 gold besants. But the Knight Templars, facing the resistance of the Cypriots, asked Richard Coeur de Lion to return the money and take back Cyprus. Richard was too pleased to sell Cyprus to Guy de Lusignan, King of Jerusalem, for 100,000 besants thus making a profit of 60,000 besants after returning thc 40,000 to the Knight Templars.

 

Cyprus became then a Frankish Kingdom. The Lusignans ruled Cyprus for about three hundred years (1192-1489) on the feudal system, all privileges belonging to the nobles whilst the people was oppressed without any participation in the administration of their own country. The history of Cyprus under the Lusignan rule is essentially the history of the royal court in Cyprus and not a history of the people of Cyprus.

 

The system of administration was foreign to the Greek population of Cyprus and all political power was vested and exercised by the ruling class of Franks.

The legislation during the Lusignan period was the one contained in the Assizes of Cyprus, written in the then spoken Cypriot language, which was based on the Assizes of Jerusalem and contained the feudal law though the influence of Byzantine and Greek law is manifest26 .

 

During the Frankish period the Greek Orthodox Church was in a state of persecution as the Latin Church was trying to subjugate it27 .

 

In the dynasty of Lusignans there were rulers such as Hugh Il I and Henry II in the thirteenth century and Hugh IV and Peter I in the fourteenth century who contributed to the stability and financial prosperity of the island. It is remarkable that Peter I foresaw the danger from the Turks and tried, though unsuccessfully, to unite the European countries against them.

 

The last Queen of the Lusignan dynasty28 Catherine Cornaro ceded Cyprus to Venice in 1489, when the Lusignan domination of Cyprus ended.

 

Three centuries of foreign rule failed to destroy the Greek language of the peaple, their religion and their cultural Greek beliefs.

 

The Venetian occupation of Cyprus (1489-1570) had a purely military, purpose that of defending the Venetian interests from any dangers that might come from Egypt and the Turks. All authority was now vested in the Council of Venice, who every two years were sending a Proveditor to govern the island. In governing Cyprus Venice was looking after her own interests and the well being of the inhabitants was utterly neglected 29 .

 

The Turks, who had captured Constantinople in 1453, invaded Cyprus with a powerful army in 1570 and, in spite of the defence put up by the Venetians, they captured Nicosia in the same year and in 1571 Famagusta fell after an heroic resistance of the Venetian commander Marcantonio Bragadino. After the capture of Nicosia, but especially after the fall of Famagusta, unprecedented acts of atrocities followed, property was looted and most of the important Christian Churches, such as St. Sophia and St. Catherine in Nicosia and St. Nicholas in Famagusta, were converted to moslem mosques and remained as such to this date.

Hil1 in his History of Cyprus after referring to the capture of Nicosia, at which the massacre and looting went on for three days, writes that " the reader may be spared description of horrors which were such as usually occurred at the capture of any Christian city by the Turks " 30 and after the fall of Famagusta observes that " the history of Cyprus is rich in episodes of horror, and this was an age inferior to no other in barbarity : but as an example of cold-blooded ferocity, in which the childishness of the savage combines with the refinements of the sadist, the martyrdom of the hero of Famagusta by Mustafa Pasha yietds the palm to none. It was inspired not by momentary fury, but by deliberate bloodlust. Some details may have been exaggerated by anti-Moslem sentiment, but the main facts are not open to doubt " 31

 

With the fall of Nicosia and Famagusta the rest of the island was occupied without opposition.

 

The Turkish conquest brought many radical changes to Cyprus In spite of atrocities the Turks supported the Greek-Orthodox Church, which replaced the Roman Catholic as the official Church of the island 32 .

 

The Archbishop was allowed to return to his seat at Nicosia from Soli and the bishops also returned to their sees-Kyrenia, Larnaca and Paphos, from the villages to which they had been posted by the Franks. The island's first Archbishop after the conquest was Timotheos and a synod convened by him in Cyprus declared the subjugation of the Orthodox Church to the Roman Catholic Church invalid and resolved the restoration of its bonds with the Orthodox Church at Constantinople.

 

The Archbishop of Cyprus was given similar privileges as those conferred on the Patriarch at Constantinople 33 .

In Cyprus the Archbishop, to whom a Berat was issued on his election outlining his secular powers, 34 was considered as the Head of the " Rayas and their representative"35 and as such was responsible for imposing and collecting the taxes36 .

 

During the Turkish occupation a system of wide local government was existing and operating37.

 

The Turkish rule in Cyprus ended in 1878.

 

By the Convention of defensive alliance between Great Britain and Turkey with respect to the Asiatic provinces of Turkey signed at Constantinople on the 4th June 1878, Turkey consented "to assign the Island of Cyprus to be occupied and administered by England " for enabling her to make the necessary provision for executing her engagements under the Treaty. By an Annex to this Convention signed at Constantinople of the l st July 1878 between the same Contracting Parties the conditions under which England would occupy Cyprus are provided and a provision was made that " if Russia restores to Turkey Kars and other conquests made by her in Armenia during the last war, the Island of Cyprus will be evacuated by England and the Convention of the 4th June 1878 will be at an end ".

By an additional Article signed at Constantinople on tho l4th August 1878, it was agreed between the High Contracting Parties that for the term of the occupation and no longer, full powers were granted to the Great Britain for making Laws and Conventions for the Government of the Island and for the regulating of its Commercial and consular relations and affairs 38 .

 

In July 1878 Cyprus was occupied by Great Britain.

 

During all the years of foreign occupation many conquerors passed through Cyprus and she came across many civilisations. Though they left their traces, which may be witnessed by the various silent monuments, nevertheless Cyprus never has lost its own character. As the modern Greek poet says : " You have changed many despots but you have never changed your heart " 39 .

 

Stanley Casson rightly observes that " there is alsways perceptible an undercurrent of influence which, for good or bad, remains Cypriot. Nothing that Cyprus adopted remained unaffected. Instead it will be incorrect to say that Cyprus " has absorbed anything, she rather absorbed and then transformed " 40 .

II

 

Legal questions arising out of the British occupation

 

There is no unanimity as to the legal position of Great Britain in respect of Cyprus during the period from its occupation in 1878 till the annexation in 1914.

 

A view was expressed that Great Britain acnuired a de facto though not a de jure sovereignty over Cyprus under the Convention41 .

 

The concept of sovereignty, as supreme authority which is independent of another authority, coincides with that of the political power and has difl'erent aspects. In so far as it excludes dependence upon any other form of authority of another state, sovereignty is independence. It is external independence with regard to the liberty of action outside the borders of a state in its intercourse with other states and internal independence with regard to the liberty of action inside the borders. As regards the power of the state to exercise supreme authority over all persons and things within its territory, sovereignty is territoria! supremacy (dominion, territorial sovereignty). As regards the power of the state to exercise supreme authority over all its citizens at home and abroad, sovereignty is personal supremacy (imperium, political sovereignty) 42 .

 

lt is obvious that the aforesaid view contemplates sovereignty in connection with a specific territory, what is known as territorial sovereignty.

With respect to the territorial sovereignty three theories were expounded especially in international law.

The one theory supports that the territory is the object of the state power (theorie du territoire objet). According to the writers supporting such theory (Laband in Germany, Oppenheim, Lauterpacht, in England, Donat, Romano, Udina in Italy and Jean Dabin in 3elgium) the territory is an object over which the state exercises a true real right. Such right is not a subjective right but a rightfunction.

 

According to a second theory, which very extensively is accepted in Germany (by Jellineck, Preuss, Tricket) and is represented in France by Carre de Malberg and was introduced in Greece by tr e late Professor Saripolos, the territory is a constituent element of the concept of the state (theorie du territoire element constitut'f de 1'état-Eigenschaft theorie). The territory is not a part of the possessions of the state but a prerequisite of its existence.

 

A third theory inspired by Radnitsky and accepted by the Austrian school (Kelsen, Verdross) maintains that the territory should be free of any post juridic, naturalistic or geographical element and should be approached from the angle of the exercise of the competence of the state ratione loci. Under this theory the relations of the colonial territories to the metropolitan territory could be better explained 43 .

 

The supreme authority which a state exercises over its territory would seem to suggest that on one and the same territory there can exist one full sovereign state only and that two or more sovereign states on one and the same territory are an impossibility. But the controversy over the non-divisibility of snvereignty, prevalent in the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was dying out in the nineteenth century especially with the appearance of federalism and colonialism 44 .

 

Among the examples of the divisibility of sovereignty is the case where one state actually exercises sovereignty which in law is vested elsewhere, as where a piece of territory is administered by a foreign Power with the consent of the state to which the territory belongs. ln this respect reference is made to the position of Cyprus from 1878 to 1914 under British administration and that of Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1878 to 1908 under the administration of Austria-Hungary45 where a cession of territory has for all practical purposes talcen place although in law the territory belongecf to the former owner state.

 

This is borne out by the provisions of the Convention itself under which Turkey " assigns " the administration of the Island of Cyprus to Great Britain, an expression which denotes transfer of title, whilst at the same time provision is made in the Annex for the eventual return of Cyprus on the fulfilment of certain conditions46 .

 

That sovereignty remained in Turkey was never disputed by Great Britain on taking up the administration of the island47 and for this reason she was estopped from claiming a prescriptive right to the territory48 .

 

Hall maintained that so long as Cyprus was under double or ambiguous sovereignty it was possible at the same time to posse.ss a belligerent and a neutral character 49 whilst in the opinion of some other writer the true situation in Cyprus seems to have been one of divided sovereignty with the reversion and some of the incidents of the sovereignty in the Sultan50 .

 

In an opinion of the Lord Chancellor delivered to the British Government on the question whether Turkish sovereignty over Cyprus was nominal only, the view was taken that Great Britain had become invested with such rights as Turkey had enjoyed " the Porte retaining the reversion ". The British Foreign Secretary was also of the opinion that the transfer of the island to Great 8ritain " had all the incidents of cession for so long as the British occupation lasted "51 .

An analysis of the nature of the British administration under the Convention was made in the decision of the Anglo-Turkish Mixed Arbitral Tribunal in the case of Parounak & Bedros Parounakian v. The Turkish Governmenl (Annual Digest 1929-1930 Case No. 1 I). The Tribunal held in that case that the occupation of Cyprus lacked "juristic precision " but it was analogous to protectorate in the sense that it fell within the designation of a country " under protection " of Great Britain within the meaning of Article 64 of the Treaty of Lausanne. Great Britain " exercised all the regular prerogatives of government in such manner that the island must in fact be regarded as having been governed by Great Britain " 52 .

 

The change in the administration of the island, however, was not so simple as it seemed. It presented a peculiar problem regarding the existing relations between Turkey and the third Powers especially with regard to the regime of Capitulations under which foreign nationals were subjected to the jurisdiction of their own consular courts53 .

 

The claim of the foreign consuls was not accepted by Britain whose case was that the further application of the Treaties between the Port and Foreign Powers to the island of Cyprus was ineompatible with the assumption of the Government of the island by Great Britain and the objects of the occupation. When the first Ordinance for the establishment of a High Court of Justice for Cyprus, which was of a temporary nature, was enacted, the Capitulations were abolished54 .

 

Great Britain communicated its decision for the abolition of the Capitulations to the Powers concerned and asked them to acquiesce thereto. The Powers concerned in their reply had not accepted the abolition of the Capitulations but only their suspension55 .

Special protection has been afforded to foreign subjects, however, by clause 30 of the Cyprus Courts of Justice Order in Council 188256 whereby all actions in which the defendant or any of the defendants was not an Ottoman subject was triable by the President of the District Court, who was not a Cypriot, sitting alone.

The Cyprus Courts of Justice Order in Council 1882 was revoked and replaced by the Cyprus Courts of Justice Order in Council 1927 by which the differentiation between " Cypriot Action " and " Foreign Action " was abolished.

With regard to the constitutional arrangements by an Order in Council of the l4th September I87857 a Legislative Council was established consisting of the High Commissioner and not less than four and not more than eight other members, one half being official and the other unofficial members nominated by Her Majesty or provisionally appointed by the High Commissioner subject to Her pleasure. The High Commissioner with the advice of the Council might make Ordinances for the peace, order and good government of the island subject to instructions from Her Majesty.

 

By the same Order in Council an Executive Council was established, constituted as might be directed by instructions addressed from time to time to the High Commissioner by Her Majesty. The High Commissioner was not bound to take the advice of the Executive Council.

 

This Constitution was generally similar to those granted to Crown Colonies in which the Crown has entire control of the legislation.

 

On representations being made by representatives of the people that Constitution was amended in 1882 by Order in Council 30 November 1882 altering the constitution of the Legislative Council and by Royal Instructions of the same date.

 

In this Constitution the Legislative Council was reconstructed to consist of six official members and twelve elected or unofFlcial members out of whom the nine would be non-Mahometan and the three Mahometan elected by the non-Ottoman and the Ottoman electors respectively. The Council would be presided by the High Commissioner or the senior official member who was to have a casting vote. Power was reserved to Her Majesty to legislate by Order in Council58 .

 

So Cyprus acduired its "toy parliament", as it was described, in which the combined vot.es of the Mahometan tnembers with the official members together with the casting vote of the High Commissioner could outvote the non-Mahometan members and the Government could carry on its intended measures.

 

It is, however, odd that the Turks were not pleased with that Constitution and by a petition to the Colonial Ofhce claimed inter alia that they should be equally represented in the Council with the Greeks. It is to be noted that the nutnber of elected members was fixed on the proportion of the G1-eek and Turkish inhabitants shown in the census of 188I 59 .

 

Further provision for the exercise of the power and jurisdiction vested by the Convention in Her Majesty was made by the Order in Council of the 6th day of July 1907 " providing for the Government of the island of Cyprus "60 .

 

In that Order in Council the powers of the High Commissioner are outlined and also the composition and the powers of the Legislative Council. The composition of the Legislative Council was the same as before and its election is regulated by detailed provisions. By this Order in Council the previous ones are revoked. By the Royal Instructions the composition and the functions of the Executive Council are provided. For the Executive Council shall consist of not more than four official members and not more than three additional or unoflicial members appointed by lhe High Commissioner. The functions of the Executive Council were only consultative without binding the High Commissioner.

 

The Greek Cypriots were persistently asking for political liberties and for more extensive participation in the affairs of their island, but such demands were consistently resisted.

 

Great Britain immediately after the outbreak of war with Turkey in 1914, annexed Cyprus by Order in Council61 of the 5th November 1914 and as from that date Cyprus formed part of Her Majesty's dominions.

 

By that annexation the Constitution of Cyprus in force on that date was not affected.

 

By another Order in Council of the 27th November 191762 the nationality of the Cypriots who were Ottoman subjects and were in Cyprus on the date of the annexation was regulated.

 

Cyprus, when annexed, had been under British administration since 1878. Such annexation in time of peace without the consent of the state which in law owns the territory is unlawful and it is of doubtful legality in war63 . In any event the annexation was recognized by Turkey by article 20 of the Treaty of Lausanne 1923. Turkey, furthermore, by Article 16 of the same Treaty renounced a11 rights and titles whatsoever over or respecting inter alia " the islands other than those over which the sovereignty is recognised by the present Treaty" (and therefore, over Cyprus as well) and by Article 27 Turkey was precluded from exercising any jurisdiction in any political, legislative or administrative matter, outside the territory of Turkey, on any national of a territory put under the sovereignty of the other signatory Powers (as in the case of Ottoman subjects in Cyprus).

 

By Letters Patent of 10 March 192564 from that date the Island of Cyprus became a Crown Colony and the ofhce of the High Commissioner was substituted by that of the Governor.

 

An executive Council was constituted consisting of such members as may be directed by Royal Instructions.

 

The Executive Council in accordance with the Royal Instructions of the lOth March 192565 shall consist of ofhcial members ,not exceeding four, and of additional or unofficial members not exceeding three as the Governor may appoint.

 

The legislation was to be made by a Legislative Council provided by clause VIII of the Letters Patent 1925 but power of legislation by Order in Council was reserved to the Crown. The composition of the Legislative Council was provided by the Cyprus (Legislative Council) 192566 . The Legislative Council would consist of six nominated members (out of whom the three virtute officio that is to say, the Colonial Secretary, the Attorney-General and the Treasurer and other three officials appointed by the Governor) and fifteen elected members (out of whom three Mohammedans elected by the Mohammedan electors and twelve non Mohammedan elected by the non-Mohammedan electors).

 

In the result the composition of the Legislative Council differed in no way from the previous Legislative Council and the Council had no more powers than before.

The reaction of the Greek members was manifested in the motion by the then Bishop of Kitium to insert an expressicn of disappointment, in the Address, that the reasonable claim to be granted more and actual political rights have been overlooked and a prayer that the representatives might participate with responsibility and in an efl'ective way in the exercise of authority both legislative and executive.67

 

The demands for the amendment of the Constitution and the grant of more political rights continued and the discontent was spreading. It culminated in the serious disturbances of 1931 when as a result the Legislative Council was abolished68 and never reconstituted.

 

Responsible municipal government was also suspended and Cyprus was governed on a monocratic regime by the Governor. An advisory council was created consisting of the members of the executive council and four other members, three Greeks and one Turk, nominated by the Governor from the unofBcial community. The function of the Council, as its name indicates, was merely advisory, without any actual executive power. In spite of continuous demands by the Cypriots and their gallant services in the Second World War the British Government was declining to take up the constitutional question of Cyprus.

 

After the end of the war municipal Elections were restored and the Government propnsed to establish a similar system of elections for rural areas.

 

 

III

 

Constitutional proposals for Cyprus

 

On the assumption of the Government by the Labour Parxy in 1945 the Secretary of State for the Colonies stated that it was proposed to "seek opportunities to establish a more liberal progressive regime in the internal affairs of the island". For this purpose a Consultative Assembly was convened i.n 1947 but the response was discouraging, as apart from the Turkish delegates, only eight Greeks attended.

 

Under the constitutional proposals submitted to the Assembly there would be a Legislative Council consisting of four official members (the Colonial Secretary, the Attorney-General, the Treasurer and the Senior Commissioner) and twenty four elected members, eighteen to be elected on the general electoral list and six on the Turkish communal register. The Council was to be presided not by the Governor but by some person of distinction, not a member of the Legislature, to be nominated by him, who would not have a vote. The question whether he was to have a casting vote was (eft for discussion. Bills afTecting finance, defencc, external affairs, minorities or the Constitution were not to be introduced without the consent of the Governor who would have power to declare a Bill or motion as if it had been duly passed if he considered it expedient in the interests of public order, good faith or good Government even it it had been rejected by the Legislature. The Governor would have the usual power of reserving a Bill passed by the Legislature for the signification of Her Majesty's pleasure.

 

 

The status of Cyprus within the Commonwealth could not be subject to discussion by the Legislature.

 

There would be also an Executive Council consisting of the four officiaL members of the Legislative Council and of such other persons, being elected members of the Legislature or other officials, as Her Majesty may from time to timc direct but the Governor would not be bound to aecept its advice69 .

 

The aforesaid constitutional proposals ,though constituting a step towards self gevernment, were inspired by an imperial spirit and were inconsistent with the ideals for which the Second World War had been fought and the promises and policy declared during and after the war by the British Government.

The limitations imposed by the constitutional proposals and the powers reserved to the Governor had not left any room for their acceptance.

The Consultative Assembly was, therefore, dissolved by an announcement of the Governor on the l2th August, 194870 .

On the occasion of the Consultative Assembly the Greek Cypriots under the leadership of Archbishop Leonti.os had decided that their future aim should be Enosis and only Enosis, (Union with Greece) a policy followed by his successors Archbishops Makarios II and Makarios III.

The demand of Enosis was becoming more persistent and on the l5th January 1950 a plebiscite was held, under the aegis of the Ethnarchy Council, among Greek Cypriots at which 96o; of the persons taking part in it voted for L:nosis of Cyprus with Greece. In the ensuing years the political and diplomatic pressure on the Greek Government was increasing. At the end she decided to bring the matter in 1954 before the General Assembly of the United Nations by a recourse claiming that the principle af self determination, already applied to many African peoples, be applied to Cyprus as weli.

In the meantime the British. Government announced that she intended to introduce a constitution as a first step towards selfgovernment, an announcement which was met by the immediate reaction of the Greek Cypriots. For overcoming such reaction and winning their co-operation the British Government thought that the best way was to carry with her some goodwill from Greece and Turkey, and for this purpose she decided to invite Greece and Turkey to send representativcs to a conference to be held in London and work for an agreement there. The theme of the conference was not to be restricted to the constitutional question of Cyprus, but was to cover all the common interests of the three Powers on the Eastern Mediterranean 71 .

The proposed conference had met without the approval of Archbishop Makarios. He publicly declared that the convening of such conference constitutes a trap and a means of delay for the purpose of undermining Greece's appeal to the United Nations. The Cyprus question does not constitute a political issue between Greece and Turkey but is purely a question of self determination and concerns the British Government and the Cyprus people only 72 .

The Tripartite Conference on the Eastern Mediterranean and Cyprus was convened, however, and held in London from August 29 to September 7, 1955.

lt is significant that at that Conference Macmillan, the British Foreign Secretary, frankly admitted that

" ltis an undoubted anomaly-and it is in our view wrongthat while so many other parts of the world have made steady progress in the art and practice of self-government there has been no compatible advance in Cyprus. We intend to put this right. Internal self-government must be the first aim "73 .

The Greek Foreign Minister Stephanopoulos supported the application of self determination to Cyprus74 whilst the late Zorlu, the Turkish Foreign Minister, maintained that it was not right to consider the Cyprus question from the angle of the present day composition of its people and the guiding principle should not be the consideration of majorities and minorities " but rather the granting of full equality to the two groups ". Furthermore he maintained that the status quo should be maintained in Cyprus.

"If this were to be upset then the island should revert to Turkey"75

 

No detailed constitutional proposals were laid before the Conference but apart from the vague assertion " that the proposals are intended to set Cyprus upon the normal path to democratic dcvelopment and to this end it is proposed to introduce a new and liberal constitution leading to the full measure of self government compatible with the strategic requirements of the present international situation," it was described in broad lines that the constitution would provide for an Assembly with an elected majority, a proportionate quota being left to the Turkish community and for the progressive transfer of the departments to Cypriot Ministers responsible to the Assembly with the exception of foreign affairs, defence and security which will be left for the Governor. A proportion of ministerial posts would be reserved for the Turkish community. There would be a Chief Minister, heading the new administration chosen by the Assembly with the approval of the Governor76 .

There was no agreement regarding the future international status of Cyprus and confronted with this deadlock the Conference had to be suspended 77 .

With regard to the recourse of the Greek government to the United Nations, the request for the application of the principle of self determination to Cyprus had not been acceded to, mainly because it was considered as aiming at a change of sovereignty of Cyprus.

The Greek Cypriots undertook then an armed struggle for the satisfaction of their demands. The Governor was substituted by Field Marshal Sir John Harding, Chief of the Imperial General Staff, who on arriving to Cyprus started protracted talks with the Ethnarch Archbishop Makarios in an effort to find a solution to the problem. The proposals put forward by the British Govern- ment during the negotiations, as far as the constitutional problem is concerned, were to the following effect-

(a) though the British Government admits that the principle of self determination may be applicable to Cyprus nevertheless her position was that it was not a practical proposition on account of the situation then prevailirg in the Eastern Mediterranean.

 

The British Government would be prepared to discuss the future of the island with representatives of the people of Cyprus when self government has proved itself capable of safeguarding the interests of all sections of the community 78 .

 

(b) The details of a constitution would be a matter for discussion with representatives of all sections of the community. Nevertheless the following points were clarified by the British Government -

(i) that she offers a wide measure of democratic selfgovernment and to this end she proposed the drawingof a new and liberal constitution in consultation with all sections of the community;

 

(ii) the constitution would enable the people of Cyprus through responsible Cypriot Ministers to assume, by a suitably phased process, contro( over the departments of Government except those relating to foreign afFairs and defence which would be reserved to the Governor and the public security which would also be reserved to the Governor for as long as he deetns necessary ;

 

(iii) the constitution will provide for an Assembly with an elected majority

 

(iv) a Cypriot Premier would head the new administration who would be chosen by the Assembly with the approval of the Governor. Ministerial portfolios would be allocated by the Premier subject to a constitutional provision relating to participation of Turkish Ministers in the Council of Ministers ;

 

(v) there would be proper safeguards for the rights of the individual citizens 79 .

The Archbishop observed inter alia that the proposals did not clarify that all powers, legislative, executive (except those reserved for the Governor) and judicial emanate from the people and are exercised exclusively by them through their elected representatives and their other constitutional organs, that the representation in the Assembly will be proportionate to the composition of the population and that the Governor's approval as regards the person of the Prime Minister will be entirely formal 80 .

 

In a statement made by the Secretary of State, who came to Cyprus, to the Archbishop Makarios dated 28th February 1956 he says that it is proposed to send to Cyprus a Constitutional Commissioner who would draw up a liberal and democratic Constitution in consultation "with all sections of opinion in the island ". In that statement it does not appear that a clarification is given to the questions raised by the Archbishop, especially those relating to the constitutional matters81 .

 

Eventually no agreement could be reached, not only on the constitutional question but also on other matters such as the proposed amnesty and five months talks had abruptly come to an end 82 .

 

As a result the Archbishop, together with the Bishop of Kyrenia, Papastavros of Phaneromeni Church and the late Polykarpos loannides were deported to the Seychelles83 . The armed struggle, however, continued unabated.

 

The British Government concentrated on the action necessary to prepare a working plan for self government of Cyprus and for this purpose entrusted Lord Radcliffe to prepare and submit constitutional proposals for Cyprus.

Lord Radcliffe submitted such a report84 .

 

Lord Radcliffe emphasizes that his terms of reference were to submit constitutional proposals for a territory under the sovereignty of the Queen, and, therefore, he was not dealing with the future international status of Cyprus in as much as there is no power in the Legislature of a self governing dependency to change the status of the territory by union under a different sovereign85 .

 

By his constitutional proposals Lord Radcliffe recommends a diarchy for Cyprus consisting of the section of subjects reserved for the Governor, comprising foreign affairs, defence and internal security, and the self-governing section consisting of the Legislative Assembly, the Cabinet and the Judiciary and comprising all matters other than the reserved ones.

 

The Legislative Assembly would consist of a Speaker, a Deputy Speaker, appointed by the Legislative Assembly and 36 other members out of whom 6 would be nominated (preferably from among members of the minority communities) and 30 elected members (6 by voters on the Turkish communal roll and 24 elected by voters on the general roll).

 

The Legistlative Assembly would pass all the Bills dealing with self government matters that shall become Laws on being assented to by the Governor.

 

The executive power of the self governing section would be exercised by a cabinet consisting of the Chief Minister, appointed by the Governor from among the members of the Legislative Assembly and enjoying the largest measure of general support in the Assembly and five other Ministers appointed by the Governor on the recommendation of the Chief Minister from among members of the Legislative Assembly. There would be also a Minister of Turkish Cypriot Affairs, appointed by the Governor at his discretion from among the members of the Legislative Assembly elected by the voters on the Turkish Cypriot communal roll, who will be responsible for the ofhce dealing with Turkish Cypriot affairs.

 

Regarding the Judicature there would be a Supreme Court consisting of the Chief Justice, who is appointed by the Governor after consultation with the Chief Minister and two other Judges, or such increased number of members as may be provided by Law, being uneven, appointed by the Governor after consultation with the Chief Justice.

 

In the jurisdiction of the Supreme Court would be included a determination whether a Bill passed by the Legislative Assembly would be repugnant to the provisions of the Constitution guaranCe2ing certain individual rights. There would be also a Judicial Service Commission and a Public Service Commission.

 

A tribunal of Guarantees would be established, the members of which would be appointed by the Governor in consultation with the Chief Justice and the Chief Minister. The membership of Tribunal shall include an equal number of Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots under the chairmanship of a person who would not be either Greek Cypriot or Turkish Cypriot. The Tribunal would deal with individual complaints against acts of the administration.

 

There would be also a Joint Council of Cyprus which would have as its primary purpose the consideration and discussion of matters of common concern to the reserved section and the selfgoverning section. That Council would consist of the Deputy Governor, the Chief Minister and another member of the Cabinet appointed on the recommendation of the Chief Minister, the Minister for the Turkish Cypriot Afl`airs, one of the service members of the Defence Committee designated by the Governor, the Attorney-General and the Legal Secretary.

 

The Attorney-General would be appointed by the Governor on the recommendation of the Chief Minister and his appointment would be revoked accordingly.

 

Lord Radcliffe had dealt with a claim put forward on behalf of Turkish Cypriot community for an equal political representation.

 

His conclusions are very pertinent, even today. For this reason the relevant paragraphs of his Report are quoted in full :

 

" 27. I have given my best consideration to the claim, put before me on behalf of the Turkish Cypriot community that they should be accorded political representation equal to that of the Greek Cypriot community. If I do not accept it I do not think that it is out of any lack of respect for the misgivings that lie behind it.. But this is a claim by 18 % of a population to share political power equally with 80% and, if it is to be given effect to, I think that it must be made on one of two possible grounds. Either it is eon.sistent with the principles of' a constitution based on liberal and democratic conceptions that political power should be balanced in this way, or no other means than thc creation of such political equilibrium will be eßective to protect the essenti.al interests of the community from oppression by the weight of the majority. 1 do not feel that I can stand firmly on either of these propositions.

 

28. The first embodies the idea of a federation rather a unitary Statc. It would be natural enough to accord to members of a federation equality or representation in the federal body, regardless of the numerical proportions of the populations of the territories they represent. But can Cyprus be organised as a federation in this way ? I do not think so. There is no pattern territorial separation between the two communities and, apart from other objections, federation of communities seems to me a very diflicult constitutional form. If it is said that what is proposed is in reality nothing more than a system of functional representation, the function in this case being the community life and organisation and nothing else. I find myself baHied in the attempt to visualise how an effective executive government for Cyprus is to be thrown up by a system in which political power is to remain permanently divided in equal shares between two opposed communities. Either there is stagnation in political life, with the frustration that accompanies it, or some small minority group acquires an artificial weight by being able to hold the balance between the two main parties. A third alternative, that the Governor should be given under the constitution some sort of arbitral position as between the two communities, I have already excluded by what I have said above. I do not think that it will be advantageous to embroil the Governor in the internal controversies of the self-governing side. My conclusion is that it cannot be in the interest of Cyprus as a whole that the constitution should be formed on the basis of equal political representation for the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities.

 

29. Does the second ground lead to a different result ? I do not think so. To give an equal political strength in a unitary State to two communities which have such a marked inequality in numbers-an inequality which, so far as signs go is as likely to increase as decrease-is to deny to the majority of the population over the whole field of self-government the power to have its will reflected in effective action. Yet it might well be right to insist on this denial if the constitution could not be equipped with any other eiective means of securing the smaller communities in the possession of their essential special interests. Not only do I think that it can be equipped with such means by placing those interests under the protection of independent tribunals with appropriate powers and relying only to limited extent on direct political devices, but 1 think that the "legalist" solution which this depends on is in fact better suited to provide the protection that is required, and it does not have the effect of denying the validity of the majority principle over a field much wider than that with which special community interests are truly concerned ".

 

Irrespective of the merits or demerits of the Radclifl`e proposed Constitution from a self governing point of view, it was a constitution destined for a dependent British territory and Lord Radcliffe himself points out that it was impossible to provide for a machinery for a change in the future international status of Cyprus. In this respect it may be considered as more retrogressive than the one contemplated during the talks with Sir John Harding though in many respects it may be considered as more progressive towards self government.

The Radcliffe proposed constitution had not been accepted either by Archbishop Makarios or by the Greek Government and a new recourse was made to the United Nations86 .

The armed struggle in Cyprus continued. Further complications were caused by the Turkish-Cypriot demand for partition of Cyprus into Greek Turkish zones, allegedly engineered by the British, and by the Turkish-Cypriots, more aggressive attitude towards the Greek-Cypriots resulting in loss of lives.

 

The deterioration of conditions in Cyprus increased the efforts in the United Nations for the achievement of peace in the island and by resolution of the General Assembly in 1957 they recommended a democratic solution for the problem of Cyprus.

 

Sir John Harding was succeeded as Governor by Sir Hugh Foot (now Lord Caradon) whose links with the island date back to 1943 when he was Colonial Secretary.

 

It was the new Governor's ideas that mainly inspired the Macmillan Plan which was announced on the l9th of June 1958 87 .

 

Sir Hugh Foot summarised its aims in a broadcast to the troops of Cyprus on that night. He said-

" It may be summarised in three sentences. First we want to give the best possible deal to all the people of the island. Second we want to bring the three Governments of Great Britain, Greece and Turkey together in a joint effort to make sure they get it. Third, we believe that this can only be achieved by Great Britain given a definite and determined lead to break the vicious circle from Cyprus which she has suffered so long "88 .

 

Under the Macmillan Plan a partnership scheme was proposed for Cyprus-partnership between the two communities in the Island and also between the Governments of the United Kingdom, Greece and Turkey. For this purpose -

(a) the Greek and Turkish Governments will each be invited to appoint a representative to co-operate with the Governor in carrying out the Plan ;

(b) the Island will have a system of respresentative Government with each community exercising autonomy in its own communal affairs. To this end there would be a separate House of Representatives for each of the two communities, which will have final legislative authority in communal matters ;

(c) authority for internal administration other than communal matters and internal security will be undertaken by a Council presided over by the Governor and including the representatives of the Greek and Turkish Governments and si.x elected Ministers drawn from the Houses of Representatives, four being Greek Cypriots and two Turkish Cypriots ;

(d) the Governor, acting after consultation with the representatives of the two Governments will have reserve powers to ensure that the interests of both communities are protected ;

(e) external affairs, defence and internal security will be matters specifically reserved for the Governor acting after consultation with representatives of the two Governments ;

(f) such representatives will have the right to require any legislation which they consider discriminatory to be reserved for consideration by an impartial tribunal 89 .

By the proposed constitutional arrangements, not only the national aspirations of the Greek Cypriots, who constituted the great majority of the population (80%) were not satisfied, but on the contrary their feelings were affected by bringing Turkey, which had renounced any rights over Cyprus by the aforesaid provisions of the Treaty of Lausanne, to share the administration of Cyprus, the Turkish population of which did not exceed the 18%. On the other hand by the proposed administration undue importance was given to the communal element and the two communities, instead of being brought nearer, were being kept apart.

For these reasons on the 20th June 1958 Archbtshop Makarios declared that the Macmillan Plan was unacceptable90 .

 

So though the constitutional arrangements were intended to give a palliative remedy so as to afford time to the high spirits to cool down the intended purpose had not been achieved as the armed struggle continued with increased force and extended to armed conflict between the two communities culminating to acts of collective massacre 91 .

 

The turmoil, terror, killing and burning were increasing day by day, culminating in almost a civil war betwcen the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots92 .

 

Early in 1959 negotiations were held in Zurich between the Greek and the Turkish Governments for the purpose of finding a solution acceptable to the British93 .

 

On the llth February 1959 an agrement was reached at Zurich between the Greek and the Turkish Prime Minister for the establishment of an independent state, the Republic of Cyprus, the basic structure of which was embodied in a document in French.

At a conference held in London in February 1959 attended by the Prime Ministers of Great Britain and Greece, the Prime Minister of Turkey being unable to attend owing to an air accident and represented by the 'Turkish Foreign Minister, the Foreign Ministers of Great Britain Greece and Turkey and the Representatives of the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot communities, the aforesaid document.s with other documents annexed to the Memorandum setting out the agreed foundations of the tinal settlement of the problem of Cyprus signed by the Prime Ministers of Great Britain, Greece and Turkey were initialled and adopted on the l9th February 195994 .

 

The agreed measures to prepare for the new arrangetnents in Cyprus, aimed at bringing the constitution and the Treaties into full effect as soon as practicable and in anv case not later than twelve months from the 19th February 1959, consisted in the establishment of :

 

(a) a joint commission in Cyprus with the duty of completing a draft constitution for the independent Republic of Cyprus incorporating the structure at the Zurich conference;

 

(b) a transitional committee in Cyprus with responsibility for drawing up plans for adapting and reorganizing the, Government machinery in Cyprus in preparation for the transfer of the authority to the independent Republic of Cyprus ;

 

(c) a joint committee in London with the duty of preparing the final treaties giving effect to the conclusions of the London coference.

 

The joint constitutional commission prepared the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus and completed its work on the 6th April 1960 when its draft was signed at Nicosia95 by the head of the delegations to the Commission. The London joint committees prepared the draft treaties giving effect to the conclusions of the London conference. Agreement was reached on all points on the 1st July 196096 .

The Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus was signed at Nicosia on the 16th August 1960 by the then Governor on behalf of the British Government, by representatives of the Governments of Greece and Turkey, by Archbishop Makarios, on behalf of the Greek Cypriot community, and by Dr. Fazil Kutchuk on behalf of the Turkish Cypriot community and was put into force on that date 97 .

At the same time three Treaties were signed by the same parties, the Treaty of Establishment of the Republic of Cyprus between Great Britain, Greece and Turkey and the Republic of Cyprus, the Treaty of Guarantee between the same parties and the Treaty of Alliance between Greece, Turkey and the Republic of Cyprus. A11 these Treaties were put into force on the same date.

Cyprus was declared as an independent sovereign republic on the l6th August 1960, when its Constitution came into force98 .

On the 21 st September 1960 Cyprus became a member of the United Nations and on the 24th May 1961 a member of the Council of Europe. lt was, however, the retention of its links with the Commonwealth which encountered the more difficulties. At a meeting of thc leaders of the two Communities on the 20th January 1960 wich the then British Foreign Secretary it was arranged ihat the matter should be left to be decided by the Cypriot House of Representatives after independence99.

On the l5th Februa.ry 1961 the House of Representatives by 41 votes against 9 decided that the Republic should become a member of the Commonwealth.

 

IV

 

The constitutional structure

 

 

The constitutional structure of the Republic of Cyprus has not emanated from the free will of its people, who had no opportunity either directly or through their ad hoc elected representatives to express an opinion thereon, but has been imposed upon them by the Zurich Agreement, concluded in their absence.

 

By that Agreement its provisions had to be included in the Constitution of the Republic of Cyprus as fundamental Articles not subject to any revision or amendment (Paragraph 21 of the Agreement).

 

The structure provided by the Agreement was based on two main principles. The one consisted in the recognition of the existence of two communities-the Greek and the Turkish-who in spite of their numerical disparity were given equal treatment whilst the people of Cyprus as a whole and the other racial communities of which it consisted have been conspicuously ignored. The other principle was aiming at assuring the participation of each community in the exercise of the functions of government and at avoiding the supremacy of the larger community (the Greek Cypriot) assuring also a partial administrative autonomy of each Community.

 

Such principles permeated through the whole constitution structure. It is obvious that these separatist elements were inspired by the Macmillan Plan.

 

An equal status is accorded to the Greek Community, representing the 80% of the population with the Turkish community, representing the 18% in many respects.

 

Thus the offcial languages of the Republic are the Greek and the Turkish languages (Article 3.7) and the Greek and the Turkish texts of the Constitution shall be both originals and shall have the same authenticity and the same legal force (Article 108. I ).

Although the Republic shall have ita own flag (Article 4.1 ) citizens of the Republic and non-public corporate or unincorporate bodies shall have the right to fly the Greek or tlle Turkisll flag without any restriction (Article 4. 4) and the Greek and the Turkisll communities shall have the right to celebrate respectively the Greek and the Turkish national holidays (Article 5).

 

For each community a Communal Chamber is established exercising legislative and administrative power on certain restricted subjects 1elating to religious matters, educational, cultural and teaching matters, personal status, composition, and installces of courts dealing with civil di.sputes relatillg to religious matters and personal status, and on matters relating to interests and institutions of purely communal nature and having a right to impose taxes and fees on members of their respective community in order to provide for the respective needs of bodies and institutions under the control of the communal Chamber (Articles 86 to 90).

 

Sound and vision broadcasting programmes shall be both for the Greek and the Turkish Communities under the conditions and during the hours provided in Article I7I.

 

The communities are given right of special relationship with Greece and Turkey respectively including the right to receive subsidies for educational, cultural, athletic and charitable institutions belonging to the community and of obtaining and employing if necessary shoolmasters, professors or clergymen provided by the Greek or Turkish Government, as the case may be (Article 108).

 

With regard to the municipalities provisions is adapted for separate municipalities in the five main towns Nicosia, Limassol, Famagusta, Larnaca and Papllos subject to celtain conditions as laid down in Articles 173-177.

 

The same distriction between the two Communities is adopted with regard to the organs of the Republic exercising the political and other state powers.

 

The President of the Republic shall be a Greek Cypriot and the Vice-President of the Republic a Turkish Cypriot elected separately by universal and secret ballot by the Greek and the Turkish communities respectively (Article 1 and 39).

 

In the event of temporary absence or incapacity or of any vacancy of the President or the Vice-President of the Republic the President of the House of Representatives (who is a Greek Cypriot) or the Vice-President of the House of Representatives (who is a Turkish Cypriot) shall act for the President or the Vice-President of the Republic respectively.

 

The President and the Vice-President of the Republic conjointly exercise executive power in respect of subjects exclusively laid down in the Constitution except certain subjects which they cxercise separately such as the right of recourse to the Supreme Constitutional Court on certain occasions, addressing messages to the House of Representatives and the exercise of the prerogatives of mercy in respect of members belonging to their own Community.

 

The President and the Vice-President of the Republic either conjointly or separately have a right of return of any Law or decision of the House of Representatives or of the Council of Ministers, to the House of Representatives or the Council of Ministers, respectively, for reconsideration and of final veto against any Law or decision of the House of Representatives or any decision of the Council of Ministers relating to foreign affairs, defence or security as defined in Article 50 of the Constitution.

 

The main executive organ is the Council of Ministers in which the participation of the two communities is not proportionate to the ratio of the population. There shall be seven Greek Cypriot Ministers and three Turkish Cypriot Ministers nominated by the President and the Vice-President of the Republic respectively but appointed by them conjointly. The Council of Ministers is the highest organ in the Republlic for formulating policy and exercising the executive power in all respects except for the specific subjects allotted to the President and the Vice-President of the Republic, to Ministers and the Communal Chambers respectively.

 

The President and the Vice-President of the Republic, simply "ensure" the exercise of the executive power by the Council Ministers100 or the individual Ministers.

The President and the Vice-President of the Republic conjointly promulgate the laws or decisions of the House of Representatives and the decisions of the Council of Ministers and each one of them separately is doing the same in respect of the laws or decisions of the Communal Chamber of his own Community. Before such promulgation, however, the President and the Vice-President of the Republic in respect of any law or decision of the House of Representatives and each one of them in respect of any decision of the Communal Chamber to his own Community may refer to the Supreme Constitutional Court for its opinion any law or decision or any part thereof which appears to be repugnant to or inconsistent with any constitutional provision.

 

The House of Representatives, which is the legislative organ of the Republic, shall consist of 50 Representatives, out of whom 35 are elected by the Greek Community and 15 by the Turkish Community.

 

The President of the House of Representatives shall be a Greek Cypriot and the Vice-President a Turkish Cypriot and shall be elected separately by the Representatives elected by the Greek Community and the Turkish Community respectively.

 

In case of vacancy in either ofplce an election shall take place as aforesaid with all due speed and in the case of temporary absence of the President or the Vice-President of the House their functions shall be performed by the eldest Representative of the respective Community.

 

The House cannot be dissolved either by the President or the Vice-President of the Republic but only by its own decision.

 

The laws and decisions of the House of Representatives shall be passed by a single majority of the Representatives present and voting. Any modification of the Electoral Law, however, and the adoption of any Law relating to municipalities and of any Law imposing duties or taxes shall require a simple majority of the Representatives elected by the Greek and the Turkish Communities respectively taking part in the vote. (Article 78).

*

This last provision has been the stumbling block to the due operation of the Constitution, as one Turkish Representative (if two of them were present and voted) could by his negative vote wreck any of the aforementioned legislation and especially one imposing taxation. Actually, by a misuse of their right of separate voting, the Turkish Members voted against a Bill for prolongation of the taxation Laws which were due to expire on the 31 st March 1961 and the Republic had remained for a while without taxation legislation since that date. They also voted on the l8th December 1961 against the Income Tax Bill (on which the main direct taxation is based) and the country remained without a unitary income tax legislation since the I st January 1962 until 1966 when by Law 21 of 1966 the Income Tax (F'oreign Persons) Law 1961 , which was passed on the 29th December 1961, was amended. The Turkish Members voted against such legislation not because they were holding any opposite view or because it contained any unfavourable discrimination against their Community but they used their right of separate voting in order to compel Government to yield to Turkish claims having no connection with any matter of taxation. It is to be noted that the Bills in question had been passed by the Council of Ministers with the concurrence of the Turkish Ministers and the Turkish Vice-President of the Republic101 .

 

The Estate Duty Bill was introduced to the House in May 1961, but had not been enacted until the 20th October 1962, after the Turks have secured for members of their Community exemption from such taxation amounting to £14,000.

 

Also the Turkish members refused at the end of 1962 (when the Municipalities Law expired) to vote either for its extension or for a new Municipalities Law with the result that the Republic was found without any legislation relating to municipalities from the 1st January 1963 to Ist December 1964 (when the Municipal Law was enacted) and had to meet the situation through other means 102 .

 

The judicial power of the Republic is exercised by the Supreme Constitutional Court (Part IX) and by the High Court and its subordinate courts (Part X).

 

The Supreme Constitutional Court shall consist of a President and a Greek and a Turkish Judge, citizens of the Republic, all of them appointed by the President and Vice-President of the Republic103 .

 

The main jurisdiction104 of the Supreme Constitutional Court relates to the determination whether a law or decision of the House of Representatives is, either in toto or in any part thereof, contrary or repugnant to any constitutional provision.

If the law or decision is declared by the Supreme Constitutional Court as unconstitutional, the law or decision is annulled. In the case of any law or decision before promulgation such law or decision is not promulgated and in case of a reference by a trial Court on a point raised by a party to a judicial proceedings the law becomes inapplicable to such proceedings only 105 .

 

The Supreme Constitutional Court furthermore has exclusive jurisdiction to adjudicate finally on a recourse made to it on a complaint that a decision, act or omission of any organ, authority or person exercising any executive or administrative authority is contrary to the Constitution or any law or is made in excess or abuse of power, whereupon the Court may confirm, or annul such decision or act or declare that such omission ought not to have been made and that whatever has been omitted should have been performed. (Article 146).

 

The jurisdiction thus given to the Supreme Constitutional Court is similar to the revisional jurisdiction of the Conseil d'Etat in France or the Council of State in Greece, the decisions of which have been guiding the Supreme Constitutional Court in the exercise of such administrative jurisdiction 106 .

 

Any decision of the Supreme Constitutional Court on any matter within its jurisdiction shall be binding on all courts, organs, authorities and persons in the Republic (Article 148).

 

The High Court consists of two Greek Judges, one Turkish judge (citizens of Cyprus), and a neutral President, all appointed by the President and the Vice-President of the Republic. They decide by majority but in case of an equality of votes the neutral President has a second vote.

 

In case of temporary absence or incapacity of the President of the High Court he shall be replaced by the President of the Constitutional Court and vice versa.

 

The High Court is the highest appellate court in the Republic and has also original and revisional jurisdiction as provided in the Constitution or may be provided by a law and it has also power to issue orders in the nature of habeas corpus, mandamus, prohibition, quo warranto and certiorari. Furthermore the High Court has jurisdiction to determine the composition of the court which is to try civil or criminal cases in which the parties belong to different Communities.

 

A civil or criminal case in which the parties or the accused and the complainant belong to one Community shall be tried by a court the judge or judges of which shall belong to such Community and in case the parties or the accused and the complainant belong to different Communities the composition of the court shall be determined by the High Court. Furthermore the execution of any judgment of a court composed of judges belonging to one Community shall be carried out through officers belonging to such Community (Article 159).

 

The High Court constitutes also the Supreme Council of Judicature for the appointment, transfer, removal and disciplinary control over judges of the subordinate courts (Article 157).

 

The disciplinary control over the judges of the High Court is exercised by the Supreme Constitutional Court and over the Judges of the Supreme Constitutional Court by the High Court.

 

The independent ofhcers of the Republic are the Attorney General of the Republic assisted by his Deputy, the Auditor-General assisted by his Deputy, and the Governor of the Issuing Bank of the Republic assisted by his Deputy, all of whom are appointed by the President and the Vice-President of the Republic. The first two are not removable from office except on the same grounds and through the same procedure as a Judge of the High Court (Articles 112,121).

 

The Accountant-General and his Deputy, though not independent officers, are appointed by the President and Vicc-President of the Republic.

 

With regard to all the aforementioned officers if the one belongs to one Community then his Deputy shall belong to the other Community (proviso to Articles 112. l, 115. 1, 118. 1 and 126. 1)

 

The public service of the Republic shall be composed as to seventy per centum of Greeks and as to thirty per centum of Turks. There shall be a Public Service Commission consisting of a Chairman and nine other members appointed for a term of six years by the President and the Vice-President of the Republic, seven